Democracy Paradox

Justin Kempf
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Nov 16, 2021 • 52min

Amory Gethin on Political Cleavages, Inequality, and Party Systems in 50 Democracies

Indeed, the moderation of left-wing party’s economic policy proposals in the eighties and in the nineties and the decision to promote an unregulated capitalism with no kind of proper compensation and no tax harmonization leading to greater offshore wealth and rising inequality. All these decisions have played a role in leading the working class to take distance from these parties and, at the same time, enabling these new issues to take a growing importance.Amory GethinA full transcript is available at www.democracyparadox.com or a short review of Political Cleavages and Social Inequalities: A Study of 50 Democracies, 1948-2020 here.Amory Gethin is a PhD candidate at the Paris School of Economics and a research fellow at the world Inequality Lab. He is a coeditor (along with Clara Martinez-Toledano and Thomas Piketty) of Political Cleavages and Social Inequalities: A Study of 50 Democracies, 1948-2020.Key Highlights IncludeWhy have multi-elite party systems emerged in Western democracies?Describes the divide between the "Brahmin Left" and "Merchant Right"How do party systems differ between Western and Non-Western democracies?Descriptions of party systems in India, Eastern Europe, and BrazilWhy have party systems changed?Key LinksPolitical Cleavages and Social Inequalities. A Study of 50 Democracies, 1948-2020 edited by Amory Gethin, Clara Martinez-Toledano and Thomas PikettyFollow Amory Gethin on Twitter @amorygethinLearn more about Amory Gethin at his personal websiteDemocracy Paradox PodcastJames Loxton Explains Why Authoritarian Successor Parties Succeed in DemocraciesJacob Hacker and Paul Pierson on the Plutocratic Populism of the Republican PartyMore Episodes from the PodcastMore InformationDemocracy GroupApes of the State created all MusicEmail the show at jkempf@democracyparadox.comFollow on Twitter @DemParadoxFollow on Instagram @democracyparadoxpodcast100 Books on DemocracySupport the show
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Nov 9, 2021 • 53min

Daniel Brinks on the Politics of Institutional Weakness

We don't think about institutions until they fail and we think of institutions as being really strong when maybe they've never been challenged. They've never really tried to do anything.Daniel BrinksA full transcript is available at www.democracyparadox.com or a short review of The Politics of Institutional Weakness in Latin America here.Daniel Brinks joins the podcast to discuss his new book The Politics of Institutional Weakness in Latin America. He is the coeditor along with Steven Levitsky and María Victoria Murillo. Dan is a professor of Government and of Law at the University of Texas at Austin and a Senior Researcher & Global Scholar of the Centre on Law and Social Transformation.Key HighlightsWhat is institutional weakness?How does it differ from state capacity?How does civil society affect political institutions?What is the role of constitutions?How do Presidential systems affect other political institutions?Key LinksThe Politics of Institutional Weakness in Latin America edited by Daniel M. Brinks, Steven Levitsky, and María Victoria MurilloDepartment of Government at The University of Texas at Austin where Daniel Brinks teachesCentre of Law and Social Transformation at the Christian Michelsen Institute in Norway where Daniel Brinks is a Senior Researcher & Global ScholarRelated ContentDonald Horowitz on the Formation of Democratic ConstitutionsWilliam G. Howell and Terry M. Moe on the PresidencyMore from the PodcastMore InformationDemocracy GroupApes of the State created all MusicEmail the show at jkempf@democracyparadox.comFollow on Twitter @DemParadoxFollow on Instagram @democracyparadoxpodcast100 Books on DemocracySupport the show
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Nov 2, 2021 • 50min

Elizabeth Perry and Grzegorz Ekiert on State-Mobilized Movements

What we are doing in this volume is blurring the boundaries between this older conception of top-down mobilized movements and this newer conception of bottom-up organic, spontaneous civil society propelled movements and discovering that there's an awful lot in the middle there.Elizabeth PerryA full transcript is available at www.democracyparadox.com or a short review of Ruling by Other Means: State-Mobilized Movements here.Elizabeth Perry and Grzegorz Ekiert join the podcast to discuss their new book Ruling by Other Means: State-Mobilized Movements (coedited with Xiaojun Yan). Elizabeth is the Henry Rosovsky Professor of Government at Harvard University and Director of the Harvard-Yenching Institute. Grzegorz is the Laurence A. Tisch Professor of Government at Harvard University and Director of Minda de Gunzburg Center for European Studies.Key HighlightsWhat are state-mobilized movements?Why do authoritarian regimes mobilize supporters?The role of violence in state-mobilized movementsWhy do people mobilize to support dictators?What does it teach us about civil society? Key LinksRuling by Other Means: State-Mobilized Movements edited by Grzegorz Ekiert, Elizabeth J. Perry, and Yan XiaojunMinda de Gunzburg Center for European Studies Harvard-Yenching Institute Related ContentErica Chenoweth on Civil ResistanceJonathan Pinckney on Civil Resistance TransitionsMore from the PodcastMore InformationDemocracy GroupApes of the State created all MusicEmail the show at jkempf@democracyparadox.comFollow on Twitter @DemParadoxFollow on Instagram @democracyparadoxpodcast100 Books on DemocracySupport the show
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Oct 26, 2021 • 44min

Susan Rose-Ackerman on the Role of the Executive in Four Different Democracies

Many of these things that you and I are talking about are simply initiatives put forward by the chief executive or maybe by a cabinet minister. Something they want to do and rather than something that they're required to do. And it seems to me that that's a rather fragile base on which to build a more effective participatory process, which doesn't give up on the role of technocracy and expertise.Susan Rose-AckermanA full transcript is available at www.democracyparadox.com or a short review of Democracy and Executive Power: Policymaking Accountability in the US, the UK, Germany, and France here.Susan Rose-Ackerman joins the podcast to discuss her new book Democracy and Executive Power: Policymaking Accountability in the US, the UK, Germany, and France. Susan is the Henry R. Luce Professor Emeritus of Law and Political Science at Yale University.Key Highlights IncludeHow have executives handled the pandemicDifferences between the executives of Germany, France, UK and USHow different executives make rules to implement public statutesDescription of deliberative democracy used in France to create environmental policiesIs the administrative state democratic Key LinksDemocracy and Executive Power: Policymaking Accountability in the US, the UK, Germany, and France by Susan Rose-AckermanSusan Rose-Ackerman on WikipediaEPuM Interview with Susan Rose-Ackerman on YouTubeRelated ContentLee Drutman Makes the Case for Multiparty Democracy in AmericaWilliam G. Howell and Terry M. Moe on the PresidencyMore from the PodcastMore InformationDemocracy GroupApes of the State created all MusicEmail the show at jkempf@democracyparadox.comFollow on Twitter @DemParadoxFollow on Instagram @democracyparadoxpodcast100 Books on DemocracySupport the show
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Oct 19, 2021 • 51min

Tom Ginsburg Shares his Thoughts on Democracy and International Law

At the end of the day, I am optimistic despite all the evidence. First of all, I think there are a lot of resources that democracies can use. A lot of areas of law, where as long as we recognize what it is we're fighting for, democracy is worth fighting for and have a common view as to what that means that we can advance it in many places, not just here but abroad. And this might sound a little hokey, but there really is a genuine human demand for freedom and that's not going away.Tom GinsburgA full transcript is available at www.democracyparadox.com or a short review of Democracies and International Law here.Tom Ginsburg is a professor of international law and political science at the University of Chicago. He is the coauthor of How to Save a Constitutional Democracy with Aziz Huq and the author of Democracies and International Law.Key Highlights IncludeHow is international law made and enforced?How do democracies approach international law differently than authoritarian regimes?Is there a right to democracy?Differences and similarities between the approach of China and the United States towards international law.How do regional organizations support democratic norms?Key LinksDemocracies and International Law by Tom GinsburgFollow Tom Ginsburg on Twitter @tomginsburgHow to Save a Constitutional Democracy by Tom Ginsburg and Aziz HuqDemocracy Paradox PodcastCharles Kupchan on America's Tradition of IsolationismJohn Ikenberry on Liberal InternationalismMore Episodes from the PodcastMore InformationDemocracy GroupApes of the State created all MusicEmail the show at jkempf@democracyparadox.comFollow on Twitter @DemParadoxFollow on Instagram @democracyparadoxpodcast100 Books on DemocracySupport the show
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Oct 12, 2021 • 50min

Robert Meister Believes Justice is an Option

So, now I've developed a way of talking about revolution as an option that can't be exercised, but that still has present value and I've set up a mechanism for saying what that present value is. Namely the value of the liquidity premium that a democracy that consents to maintaining accumulated wealth can extract for guaranteeing that the wealth continues to accumulate.Robert MeisterA full transcript is available at www.democracyparadox.com or a short review of Justice is an Option: A Democratic Theory of Finance for the Twenty-First Century  here.Robert Meister is the author of the new book Justice is an Option: A Democratic Theory of Finance for the Twenty-First Century and a Professor of Social and Political Thought in the History of Consciousness Department at the University of California Santa Cruz.Key Highlights IncludeWhat is historical justice?An overview of financial termsHow is justice an option?Is capitalism compatible with justice?Will historical justice happen or is it just an option?Key LinksJustice Is an Option: A Democratic Theory of Finance for the Twenty-First Century by Robert MeisterA Theory of Justice by John RawlsSpheres of Justice by Michael WalzerDemocracy Paradox PodcastSheryl WuDunn Paints a Picture of Poverty in America and Offers Hope for SolutionsJacob Hacker and Paul Pierson on the Plutocratic Populism of the Republican PartyMore Episodes from the PodcastMore InformationDemocracy GroupApes of the State created all MusicEmail the show at jkempf@democracyparadox.comFollow on Twitter @DemParadoxFollow on Instagram @democracyparadoxpodcast100 Books on DemocracySupport the show
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Oct 5, 2021 • 53min

Martin Conway Believes "Democracy Owes its Durability Not to its Principles but to its Flexibility." Democracy in Western Europe from 1945 to 1968

Where you and I and, I think, many others start from an assumption that somehow there is a thing called democracy and we sort of know what it is. But the diversity within democracy is far larger than that. You know, there's clear big institutional temperamental differences between visions of representatives ruling, people ruling, and so on. All these sorts of things are different models of democracy and therefore the word democracy in some respects becomes rather meaningless.Martin ConwayA full transcript is available at www.democracyparadox.com or a short review of Western Europe’s Democratic Age: 1945—1968  here.Martin Conway is the author of the new book Western Europe’s Democratic Age: 1945—1968 and a Professor of Contemporary European History at the University of Oxford.Key Highlights IncludeWhy Democracy Became Part of Western Europe's IdentityHow Democracy was a Process of Continual NegotiationThe Distinct Characteristics of Democracy in Western EuropeAn Account of the Transition from the Fourth to the Fifth Republic in FranceLessons for Democracy Today from Western Europe's PastKey LinksWestern Europe's Democratic Age: 1945-1968  by Martin ConwayLearn more about Martin Conway at Balliol College at the University of OxfordDemocracy and Dictatorship in Europe  by Sheri BermanDemocracy Paradox PodcastKurt Weyland Distinguishes Between Fascism and AuthoritarianismMichael Hughes on the History of Democracy in GermanyMore Episodes from the PodcastMore InformationDemocracy GroupApes of the State created all MusicEmail the show at jkempf@democracyparadox.comFollow on Twitter @DemParadoxFollow on Instagram @democracyparadoxpodcast100 Books on DemocracySupport the show
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Sep 28, 2021 • 49min

Donald Horowitz on the Formation of Democratic Constitutions

The most beautiful thing that happened in Indonesia, by the way, which was a polarized society along religious lines more than anything else, was that by the end of the proceedings, everybody knew what everybody else's problems were, what everyone else's constituencies wanted. They knew if X noticed that Y was making a demand, before long X figured out what was behind the demand and why Y had to make it and whether it was a real demand or whether it was made just for the sake of being on record.Donald HorowitzA full transcript is available at www.democracyparadox.com or a short review of Constitutional Processes and Democratic Commitment here.Donald Horowitz is the James B. Duke Professor of Law and Political Science Emeritus at Duke University. Key Highlights IncludeAccounts of constitutional formation in Tunisia, Indonesia, and MalaysiaThe role of consensusThe challenges of negotiated constitutionsThe need for an inclusive processWhy citizen participation is not always beneficialKey LinksConstitutional Processes and Democratic Commitment  by Donald Horowitz"Ethnic Power Sharing: Three Big Problems"  by Donald Horowitz in the Journal of DemocracyReconsidering Democratic Transitions Francis Fukuyama, Donald Horowitz, Larry Diamond on YouTubeDemocracy Paradox PodcastAldo Madariaga on Neoliberalism, Democratic Deficits, and ChileHélène Landemore on Democracy without ElectionsMore Episodes from the PodcastMore InformationDemocracy GroupApes of the State created all MusicEmail the show at jkempf@democracyparadox.comFollow on Twitter @DemParadoxFollow on Instagram @democracyparadoxpodcast100 Books on DemocracySupport the show
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Sep 21, 2021 • 53min

Guillermo Trejo and Sandra Ley on the Political Logic of Criminal Wars in Mexico

Up to today, since the Mexican government deployed the military in 2006 up to the present, Mexico has experienced close to 200,000 battle deaths. That's roughly the number of battle deaths that took place in the civil war in Guatemala. So, the 36 year old civil war in Guatemala that produced approximately 200,000 battle deaths. That's where Mexico is right now.Guillermo TrejoA full transcript is available at www.democracyparadox.com or a brief primer on Mexican politics here.Guillermo Trejo is an Associate Professor at the University of Notre Dame. Sandra Ley is an Assistant Professor at CIDE’s Political Studies Division in Mexico City. They are the authors of Votes, Drugs, and Violence: The Political Logic of Criminal Wars in Mexico. Key Highlights IncludeA vivid description of the effects of the criminal wars in MexicoHow autocracy allows for the proliferation of organized crimeWhy Mexico remains an 'illiberal democracy'How polarization exacerbated criminal violence in MexicoThe importance of deeper degrees of democratizationKey LinksVotes, Drugs, and Violence: The Political Logic of Criminal Wars in Mexico by Guillermo Trejo and Sandra LeyFollow Guillermo Trejo on Twitter @Gtrejo29Follow Sandra Ley on Twitter @sjleygDemocracy Paradox PodcastMichael Miller on the Unexpected Paths to DemocratizationJames Loxton Explains Why Authoritarian Successor Parties Succeed in DemocraciesMore Episodes from the PodcastMore InformationDemocracy GroupApes of the State created all MusicEmail the show at jkempf@democracyparadox.comFollow on Twitter @DemParadoxFollow on Instagram @democracyparadoxpodcast100 Books on Democracy Support the show
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Sep 14, 2021 • 50min

Rana Siu Inboden on China and the International Human Rights Regime

Chinese participation in the human rights regime probably was never really intended to alter human rights so much in China that it would jeopardize the Chinese Communist Party’s hold on power. I think China, even if it may have been open to some areas of human rights, I think that we have to keep in mind that the full implementation of human rights including all of the elements of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights would mean that political competition is allowed. And that's just not something I see the current Chinese regime allowing.Rana Siu InbodenA full transcript is available at www.democracyparadox.com or a brief primer on the human rights regime here.Rana Siu Inboden  is a senior fellow with the Robert Strauss Center for International Security and Law at the University of Texas–Austin. Her new book is China and the International Human Rights Regime: 1982-2017.Key Highlights IncludeWhat is the Human Rights RegimeChina's Participation in the Human Rights RegimeHow Tiananmen Changed China's View on Human RightsWhat is the Like Minded GroupHow China Views Human RightsKey LinksChina and the International Human Rights Regime: 1982-2017 by Rana Siu InbodenChina at the UN: Choking Civil Society by Rana Siu Inboden in Journal of DemocracyUnited Nations Human Rights CouncilRelated ContentMareike Ohlberg on the Global Influence of the Chinese Communist PartyXiaoyu Pu on China's Global IdentitiesMore from the PodcastMore InformationDemocracy GroupApes of the State created all MusicEmail the show at jkempf@democracyparadox.comFollow on Twitter @DemParadoxFollow on Instagram @democracyparadoxpodcast100 Books on DemocracySupport the show

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