Iran, the Straits of Hormuz, and the Graveyard of Navies

It's been a few days since we last looked at the Persian Gulf crisis, and events are racing forward at such a pace that the only sensible approach is to take a step back and examine the deeper patterns. Behind the headlines about Trump's impulsive decision-making lies a far more consequential story: the moment when a medium-sized power with cheap drones and missiles can hold the world's energy supplies hostage, and the world's sole superpower finds itself with no good options.

I begin with the decision-making in Washington—or rather, the absence of it. Trump, advised by Netanyahu and a handful of Fox News personalities, appears to have launched this war on a whim, assuming he could create "media noise" with no thought to an exit strategy. Military planners who understand the region have been overruled. The system of American governance has decayed to the point where a single egotistical hustler can launch the country into a no-win scenario.

Why no-win? Because Iran has been preparing for this moment for years. Its arsenal of drones, rockets, missiles, mines, and attack boats makes the safe navigation of the Straits of Hormuz virtually impossible. The idea of an international naval flotilla—Trump's proposed solution—is laughable. You would have to maintain it forever, and Iran would interpret any passage not agreeable to them as a hostile act.

I draw a historical parallel: the Dardanelles campaign of 1915. The reason the Allies landed at Gallipoli was because the first attempt to sail through the straits ended in disaster, with British and French ships sunk by shore-based fortifications. The Straits of Hormuz will become exactly that kind of killing zone. It doesn't matter how big your navy is. How many capital ships is America willing to sacrifice for a war Trump started on a whim? How many American lives before the outcry sweeps him from office?

The asymmetry of war is changing. Cheap, mass-produced drones—with motorcycle engines and mobile phones for guidance—can overwhelm anti-missile systems like Patriot and THAAD. Aircraft carriers, the symbol of American power for eighty years, may no longer be the tools for enforcing world order that they once were. China has been signalling this for years with its spectacular drone displays over Beijing: "Imagine what we can do if we attach something to them."

Then there are the geopolitical consequences. Europe will rapidly rapproche with Russia to access cheap hydrocarbons. The Ukraine war will likely be settled in Russia's favour. The push for renewables will gain a new argument: national security, liberation from Trump's whims. Rachel Reeves, the British Chancellor, has already signalled where the wind is blowing, choosing Ursula von der Leyen over Trump when asked.

The special relationship is dying. Suez was a humiliation; this is worse. The British political class is finally waking up to the reality that clinging to America's coat-tails no longer offers protection—only entanglement in unwinnable wars.

And then there's Israel. Nuclear-armed, increasingly isolated, and with an American public whose support has reached an all-time low. If America withdraws from the Gulf, what sense does it make to support Israel as Iran's key enemy? But Israel has always reserved the right to act unilaterally. The situation between Iran and Israel is the one that will continue, long after the current crisis resolves—if it resolves.

I end with two possible futures: a quick resolution where Trump claims an illusory victory and moves on, or a protracted conflict that drags the world into an endless energy crisis. Either way, the lesson of North Korea has been learned: the only protection against American aggression is a nuclear weapon. Iran will never sign another enrichment treaty.

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